India flexes Muscle
Letter of appeal by the Maha Nayake Thero of the Malwatte Chapter
Though western nations began to talk of possible war crimes in Sri Lanka immediately after the war ended, India was strangely silent. India did not even voice concerns over human rights abuses or the lack of democracy within Sri Lanka. The silence was broken recently and the Indian government began to speak of human rights violations within Sri Lanka. Many were the theories behind the sudden awakening of India but the most likely reason was that the western nations had prodded India to take a stance. Yet, others felt that it was the recent victory of Jayalalitha in Tamil Nadu, which brought about this change.Jayalalitha romped home with a comfortable margin and her AIADMK party gained a comfortable majority at the recent elections. Her maiden speech after the victory was on Sri Lanka. She urged for an investigation into reports on Sri Lanka, in addition to possible economic sanctions. Immediately following this statement Minister Keheliya Rambukwella allayed fears. He said that the Sri Lankan government had no dealings with Jayalalitha and there was no need to panic. But Foreign Minister G.L Peiris was to confront a divergent situation during his recent visit to India. Peiris did congratulate Jayalalitha on her victory and said that the Sri Lankan government looked forward to working with her. Analysts believe that this move was at the behest of the Indian Central government. The Central government has pointed out to Peiris that Jayalalitha was a difficult person to handle even by the Centre and that there was no need to confront her at this time.
Manmohan Singh, Jayalalitha, G.L Peiris, Mahinda Rajapaksa and S.M. Krishna
Prior to the visit of G.L Peiris, the Indian government had requested Sri Lanka to submit a working draft as to how power would be devolved to the north and east of Sri Lanka based on the 13th Amendment. The government of Sri Lanka forwarded a proposal which suggested a second chamber for the north and the east. This was discussed at length by the powers in Delhi and their think tanks. The proposal fell short of expectations by far and was considered an eye wash leading Delhi to reject it totally. Their conclusions were not to the liking of the Sri Lankan government.
Minister G.L Peiris left on an official visit to India to discuss the Darusman Report with the Indian Premier Manmohan Singh, Foreign Minister S. M. Krishna, Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao and Security Advisor Shiv Shankar Menon. Though a high powered team from India was to visit Sri Lanka it was held in abeyance till Peiris’ visit was concluded so that India would have advance information of the Sri Lankan government’s position into issues raised by them. Prominent amongst Indian concerns were the delays in approving land and police powers to the Provincial Councils as per the 13th Amendment. Other contentious issues such as approving the Sampur power station, building townships, jump starting resettlement and the violations of human rights of the people of the north and east were conditions expected to be fulfilled by the government of Sri Lanka.
As usual the government of Sri Lanka was lukewarm in responding to these requests. But the Indian government was persistent and expected Minister G. L Peiris to respond positively during his visit. India also did not divulge her opinion on the panel report until the response from the government of Sri Lanka to their requirements was received. Hence Peiris was forced to respond given these circumstances. He was unable to get past the Indian authorities to meet with the Indian Premier though a meeting had been requested at the outset. The Foreign Ministry tried its utmost to arrange this meeting but the Indian authorities were waiting to finish the rounds of talks with the other officials and based on the outcome of such, to arrange a meeting with their Prime Minister.
The meetings with the Indian Officials proved to be a handful for G.L. Peiris. He had to be in constant touch with President Rajapaksa to seek his advice on matters raised by the Indians. Though Sri Lanka wished to issue a joint statement with the Indians at the end of these talks the latter baulked. They were agreeable to a joint statement only when the issues raised by them were agreed to by the Sri Lankans. Peiris did inform Rajapaksa of this but did not forget to warn him that the Indian position unlike the previous occasion had firmed up and any response had to be carefully crafted. The President suggested that Peiris discusses all issues with the Indian officials but such matters should not be a part of the joint statement. The Indian view was that the statement was not to be released unless all issues were agreed to and also included in the statement. President Rajapaksa relented and advised G.L to include the issues raised by the Indians in the joint statement. G.L using this as a lever insisted that the Indians respond in favor of Sri Lanka on the Ban panel report. The Indian officials did not respond to this request. Their response was that Sri Lanka should undertake an internal inquiry into the allegations made in the panel report. The Tamil Nadu factor would have had a bearing and this response was a safe option for Delhi. It was also the reason why India could not continue to remain silent on the panel report any longer. The Sri Lankan government had to agree to hold internal investigations into the allegations in the Ban panel report in addition to the other conditions raised by the Indians. The Darusman report of Ban Ki Moon had included the possibility of the government of Sri Lanka conducting an internal investigation into the allegations but with the proviso of the presence of UN observers. Implementing the CEPA agreement and the removal of Emergency Regulations too were mentioned in the report. Eventually Peiris and the Indian Foreign Minister did sign the joint statement and the former did get his few moments with Premier Manmohan Singh finally after all the conditions set by the Indian government were met. The Indian Premier was insistent that the 13th Amendment be adhered to the very letter and the human rights violations be investigated. The Prime Minister was to set a time frame of six months for these conditions to be met by the Sri Lankan government. He added that the LLRC was not the answer to investigate human rights violations and an internationally accepted forum must be put in place instead. The government of Sri Lanka was careful to keep the time frame given by the Indian Premier away from the media.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh advised the Sri Lankan government to talk with the TNA on an exclusive basis to resolve the political solutions and that it would be futile to talk with the EPDP and KP towards this end. Observing that the change of stance in Delhi was primarily due to Jayalalitha and the western nations, the government moved to handle this diplomatically. Jayalalitha’s help was to be sought at the first instance. Arumugam Thondaman was selected to do the needful. Thondaman was able to cultivate the then Chief Minister Karunanidhi through his daughter Kanimozy and was therefore Rajapaksa’s obvious choice. A Tamil businessman close to him was added to the team. This was the person who made all the arrangements for President Rajapaksa with his religious observances in Tamil Nadu. The President sent for him and asked him to visit with allies of Jayalalitha and begin talks.
Peiris is to visit China next. The first salvo against the joint statement signed by G.L was from within the government ranks. This came from the National Patriotic Movement (NPM) supported by Minister Wimal Weerawansa. The NPM claimed that G.L Peiris had given away what the heroic soldiers had won, by signing this agreement. Weerawansa has been opposed to the UN in recent times. He even suggested an alternative arm of the UN be set up with international support after the Ban appointed Darusman report was released. He also showed his aversion to Ban Ki Moon by burning his effigy at the recent May Day Rally in addition to shouting anti Ban and UN slogans. Yet the same Wimal Weerawansa made his way to New York to be present at the 2600 years celebration to commemorate the enlightenment of Lord Buddha, held at the UN building. He travelled first class on an Emirates flight with his son Vibhuthi. Some say that he was unable to obtain even a visitor’s pass to enter the UN building. Sources in New York however said he did eventually enter the premises riding in Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative Palitha Kohona’s car. However Weerawansa was careful in not showing himself when the Secretary General was addressing the gathering. After the Secretary General left, the gathering had raised questions in English to which Minister Weerawansa had been tongue tied only to be rescued when the Deputy Permanent Representative Shavendra Silva and Palitha Kohona had come to his rescue by answering them. By now everyone had noticed that Weerawansa had entered the UN building. The following day during the customary press briefing, media personnel had raised this question from Martin Nesirky the Press Officer of the UN Secretary General. The Innercity Press web site had carried his response as follows…
UNITED NATIONS, May 16 — Relations between the UN and Sri Lanka took a surreal turn on May 16 when the minister who organized a blockade of the UN in Colombo last year Wimal Weerawansa appeared in the General Assembly, shaking hands with UN Under Secretary General Kiyotaka Akasaka and others.
Minister G.L Peiris left on an official visit to India to discuss the Darusman Report with the Indian Premier Manmohan Singh, Foreign Minister S. M. Krishna, Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao and Security Advisor Shiv Shankar Menon. Though a high powered team from India was to visit Sri Lanka it was held in abeyance till Peiris’ visit was concluded so that India would have advance information of the Sri Lankan government’s position into issues raised by them. Prominent amongst Indian concerns were the delays in approving land and police powers to the Provincial Councils as per the 13th Amendment. Other contentious issues such as approving the Sampur power station, building townships, jump starting resettlement and the violations of human rights of the people of the north and east were conditions expected to be fulfilled by the government of Sri Lanka.
As usual the government of Sri Lanka was lukewarm in responding to these requests. But the Indian government was persistent and expected Minister G. L Peiris to respond positively during his visit. India also did not divulge her opinion on the panel report until the response from the government of Sri Lanka to their requirements was received. Hence Peiris was forced to respond given these circumstances. He was unable to get past the Indian authorities to meet with the Indian Premier though a meeting had been requested at the outset. The Foreign Ministry tried its utmost to arrange this meeting but the Indian authorities were waiting to finish the rounds of talks with the other officials and based on the outcome of such, to arrange a meeting with their Prime Minister.
The meetings with the Indian Officials proved to be a handful for G.L. Peiris. He had to be in constant touch with President Rajapaksa to seek his advice on matters raised by the Indians. Though Sri Lanka wished to issue a joint statement with the Indians at the end of these talks the latter baulked. They were agreeable to a joint statement only when the issues raised by them were agreed to by the Sri Lankans. Peiris did inform Rajapaksa of this but did not forget to warn him that the Indian position unlike the previous occasion had firmed up and any response had to be carefully crafted. The President suggested that Peiris discusses all issues with the Indian officials but such matters should not be a part of the joint statement. The Indian view was that the statement was not to be released unless all issues were agreed to and also included in the statement. President Rajapaksa relented and advised G.L to include the issues raised by the Indians in the joint statement. G.L using this as a lever insisted that the Indians respond in favor of Sri Lanka on the Ban panel report. The Indian officials did not respond to this request. Their response was that Sri Lanka should undertake an internal inquiry into the allegations made in the panel report. The Tamil Nadu factor would have had a bearing and this response was a safe option for Delhi. It was also the reason why India could not continue to remain silent on the panel report any longer. The Sri Lankan government had to agree to hold internal investigations into the allegations in the Ban panel report in addition to the other conditions raised by the Indians. The Darusman report of Ban Ki Moon had included the possibility of the government of Sri Lanka conducting an internal investigation into the allegations but with the proviso of the presence of UN observers. Implementing the CEPA agreement and the removal of Emergency Regulations too were mentioned in the report. Eventually Peiris and the Indian Foreign Minister did sign the joint statement and the former did get his few moments with Premier Manmohan Singh finally after all the conditions set by the Indian government were met. The Indian Premier was insistent that the 13th Amendment be adhered to the very letter and the human rights violations be investigated. The Prime Minister was to set a time frame of six months for these conditions to be met by the Sri Lankan government. He added that the LLRC was not the answer to investigate human rights violations and an internationally accepted forum must be put in place instead. The government of Sri Lanka was careful to keep the time frame given by the Indian Premier away from the media.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh advised the Sri Lankan government to talk with the TNA on an exclusive basis to resolve the political solutions and that it would be futile to talk with the EPDP and KP towards this end. Observing that the change of stance in Delhi was primarily due to Jayalalitha and the western nations, the government moved to handle this diplomatically. Jayalalitha’s help was to be sought at the first instance. Arumugam Thondaman was selected to do the needful. Thondaman was able to cultivate the then Chief Minister Karunanidhi through his daughter Kanimozy and was therefore Rajapaksa’s obvious choice. A Tamil businessman close to him was added to the team. This was the person who made all the arrangements for President Rajapaksa with his religious observances in Tamil Nadu. The President sent for him and asked him to visit with allies of Jayalalitha and begin talks.
Peiris is to visit China next. The first salvo against the joint statement signed by G.L was from within the government ranks. This came from the National Patriotic Movement (NPM) supported by Minister Wimal Weerawansa. The NPM claimed that G.L Peiris had given away what the heroic soldiers had won, by signing this agreement. Weerawansa has been opposed to the UN in recent times. He even suggested an alternative arm of the UN be set up with international support after the Ban appointed Darusman report was released. He also showed his aversion to Ban Ki Moon by burning his effigy at the recent May Day Rally in addition to shouting anti Ban and UN slogans. Yet the same Wimal Weerawansa made his way to New York to be present at the 2600 years celebration to commemorate the enlightenment of Lord Buddha, held at the UN building. He travelled first class on an Emirates flight with his son Vibhuthi. Some say that he was unable to obtain even a visitor’s pass to enter the UN building. Sources in New York however said he did eventually enter the premises riding in Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative Palitha Kohona’s car. However Weerawansa was careful in not showing himself when the Secretary General was addressing the gathering. After the Secretary General left, the gathering had raised questions in English to which Minister Weerawansa had been tongue tied only to be rescued when the Deputy Permanent Representative Shavendra Silva and Palitha Kohona had come to his rescue by answering them. By now everyone had noticed that Weerawansa had entered the UN building. The following day during the customary press briefing, media personnel had raised this question from Martin Nesirky the Press Officer of the UN Secretary General. The Innercity Press web site had carried his response as follows…
UNITED NATIONS, May 16 — Relations between the UN and Sri Lanka took a surreal turn on May 16 when the minister who organized a blockade of the UN in Colombo last year Wimal Weerawansa appeared in the General Assembly, shaking hands with UN Under Secretary General Kiyotaka Akasaka and others.
While Secretary General Ban Ki-moon’s spokesman Martin Nesirky refused to confirm, much less comment on, Weerawansa’s speech at a meeting on Buddhism in Ban’s presence, Inner City Press managed to speak with Weerawansa later in the day.
With Shavendra Silva, a Sri Lankan General who is now its Deputy Permanent Representative doing the translating, Inner City Press asked Weerawansa to contrast his visit to the UN with his calls to replace it, his organization of a blockade and so-called fasting unto death.
After a pause, Silva relayed “He says we are a member state of the United Nations, and he can here to attend the 2,600 year anniversary of the Buddha’s enlightenment. He’s happy he attended the 2,600 year celebration herein New York.”
Earlier, Silva had shown Inner City Press a copy of his book, which begins with a quote that “anger can’t be overcome by anger, because it has no end in itself – it can only be overcome by compassionate loving kindness.”
The book contains photographs by Helen Bohn Andersen. Inner City Press ask her about the irony of co-authoring a book with a general in charge in a military action that reportedly killed tens of thousands of civilians. “I didn’t write the text,” she said. “I only took the photographs.”
Here is from the UN’s May 16 noon briefing transcript:
Inner City Press: at this meeting on Buddhism this morning, Wimal Weerawansa, it’s reported, it’s under the Colombo page, that the Minister of the Sri Lankan Government who led the protest against the UN compound in Colombo was present here. I don’t know if it’s true or not, I just know it’s reported in the press there. Is that the case, is the UN aware of Wimal Weerawansa, and what do you say about that?
Spokesperson Nesirky: And what would be your problem if that person was there?
Inner City Press: No, I want to know, did Ban Ki-moon meet with Wimal Weerawansa, and if so, would you have any…?
Spokesperson Nesirky: I have no idea. As you would have also seen if you went there, there was a lot of people and I do not know. I suspect that the Secretary-General moved on to other appointments without working his way around the room, Matthew.
Inner City Press: No, my point is the UN accredits people to come into the building. Since this is an individual that the UN condemns his organization of a blockade of UN staff in Colombo…
Spokesperson: Well, as we’ve said before, peaceful demonstrations are legitimate. Where someone has crossed the threshold and the authorities have taken action against them, that would be a different matter. But peaceful demonstrations are not against the law.
Question: Didn’t you condemn the Wimal Weerawansa sponsored demonstrations at the time?
Spokesperson: The point I am trying to make is that if people are demonstrating, they are legally entitled to demonstrate, and the demonstrations are peaceful, then they are legitimately entitled to do that. If I have any information about this person’s presence, and as you yourself said, you don’t know for a fact that that person was there. But you’ve seen reports.
Question: These are reports I am asking you to check with DSS [Department of Safety and Security] whether a pass was granted for Wimal Weerawansa…?
Spokesperson: Yes, yes, Matthew, I hear, and as your dutiful servant, I will take a look and find out, okay?
But after that, Nesirky never provided any answer, even nine hours later.
Footnote: Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative Palitha Kohona was also on the scene, insisting that Inner City Press take a picture with Weerawansa. Inner City Press obliged. We’ll see.
With Shavendra Silva, a Sri Lankan General who is now its Deputy Permanent Representative doing the translating, Inner City Press asked Weerawansa to contrast his visit to the UN with his calls to replace it, his organization of a blockade and so-called fasting unto death.
After a pause, Silva relayed “He says we are a member state of the United Nations, and he can here to attend the 2,600 year anniversary of the Buddha’s enlightenment. He’s happy he attended the 2,600 year celebration herein New York.”
Earlier, Silva had shown Inner City Press a copy of his book, which begins with a quote that “anger can’t be overcome by anger, because it has no end in itself – it can only be overcome by compassionate loving kindness.”
The book contains photographs by Helen Bohn Andersen. Inner City Press ask her about the irony of co-authoring a book with a general in charge in a military action that reportedly killed tens of thousands of civilians. “I didn’t write the text,” she said. “I only took the photographs.”
Here is from the UN’s May 16 noon briefing transcript:
Inner City Press: at this meeting on Buddhism this morning, Wimal Weerawansa, it’s reported, it’s under the Colombo page, that the Minister of the Sri Lankan Government who led the protest against the UN compound in Colombo was present here. I don’t know if it’s true or not, I just know it’s reported in the press there. Is that the case, is the UN aware of Wimal Weerawansa, and what do you say about that?
Spokesperson Nesirky: And what would be your problem if that person was there?
Inner City Press: No, I want to know, did Ban Ki-moon meet with Wimal Weerawansa, and if so, would you have any…?
Spokesperson Nesirky: I have no idea. As you would have also seen if you went there, there was a lot of people and I do not know. I suspect that the Secretary-General moved on to other appointments without working his way around the room, Matthew.
Inner City Press: No, my point is the UN accredits people to come into the building. Since this is an individual that the UN condemns his organization of a blockade of UN staff in Colombo…
Spokesperson: Well, as we’ve said before, peaceful demonstrations are legitimate. Where someone has crossed the threshold and the authorities have taken action against them, that would be a different matter. But peaceful demonstrations are not against the law.
Question: Didn’t you condemn the Wimal Weerawansa sponsored demonstrations at the time?
Spokesperson: The point I am trying to make is that if people are demonstrating, they are legally entitled to demonstrate, and the demonstrations are peaceful, then they are legitimately entitled to do that. If I have any information about this person’s presence, and as you yourself said, you don’t know for a fact that that person was there. But you’ve seen reports.
Question: These are reports I am asking you to check with DSS [Department of Safety and Security] whether a pass was granted for Wimal Weerawansa…?
Spokesperson: Yes, yes, Matthew, I hear, and as your dutiful servant, I will take a look and find out, okay?
But after that, Nesirky never provided any answer, even nine hours later.
Footnote: Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative Palitha Kohona was also on the scene, insisting that Inner City Press take a picture with Weerawansa. Inner City Press obliged. We’ll see.
Minister Wimal did not stop at that but embarked on another project during this trip. That was to participate at the protest to mark the second year of the war victory opposite the UN building which was of course headed by him. This protest was a flop if ever there was one as only around twenty people had turned up. The majority amongst them were the security officers of Shavendra Silva and Palitha Kohona. Though permission had been obtained to hold the protest between 12.30 pm and 3.30 pm the gathering dispersed in ten minutes after a short speech was made by Wimal Weerawansa. The next day Minister Wimal and his son visited Niagara Falls.
UNP leaders too acted in a two faced manner in recent times and this was not the sole preserve of Minister Wimal Weerawansa, as stated in these columns recently. Examples of these were seen during the past couple of weeks. The first was when Ven. Galaboda Gnanissara Thero made a speech at the ceremony to celebrate the 2600 years of the enlightenment of Lord Buddha, where the President was in attendance. He recalled that he did ask Ranil to support The President and the Secretary Defense during the period the war was in progress. “At the time I requested Ranil Hamu to help the President and Secretary Defense Gotabhaya. He got angry and threatened to resign from the Dayaka Sabha. Fortunately he did not do that at that time. We are happy to notice that Ranil Hamu is supportive of the President on issues that affect the country. Not only are we happy about it but we will offer our blessings too that in future too he would continue to act in a similar manner…” The Thero’s speech was deemed to be poetic in that on two instances during the previous week his words proved to be true. Ranil met Mahinda Rajapaksa on the 14th. That was when the Church of England consecrated Rev. Canagasabey as the Archbishop of the Colombo chapter. Both were seen in earnest conversation. The next was when the duo met at another ceremony on Vesak Poya at the Kelaniya Temple. Present were UNP MP’s Karu Jayasuriya, Ravi Karunanayke, and Wijayadasa Rajapaksa amongst others. Minister Mervyn Silva was present representing the government. Though Ravi did not have an invitation to this ceremony he was present to speak with the President regarding the case he faced on his appointment as the National Organizer for the UNP. But the President did not respond.
There was another interesting episode that took place during the morning alms giving. All present were invited to partake. Though the President, Ranil and others present made their way towards the hall where the alms giving had been arranged, Minister Mervyn de Silva remained behind stating that he had already had his morning meal. However the truth was that he had told some people who were present at the function “I will not sit together and have even a sip of water with those traitors. These fellows behaved like traitors during the war. I feel sick to stay near these fellows…”
That afternoon Ranil, Ravi and Lakshman Kiriella visited Sarath Fonseka in prison. Outside the prison gates Ravi and Kiriella spoke to some media personnel they had invited and castigated the government for continuing to hold Fonseka in prison. Though some media men thrust the microphone towards Ranil, he did not say anything. This is not the first occasion in which Ranil was silent when asked about Fonseka. Ranil has been following this silent approach over the last few months and it has caused suspicion in the political circles as to whether there is a secret agreement between Mahinda Rajapaksa and Ranil on the subject of Fonseka.
In another previous incident when Mangala, Tissa and Jayalath chose to speak to the media, after coming out of prison after seeing Fonseka, Ranil was conspicuously silent. However, the strangest thing is, whereas all those who see Fonseka have to log in their names when they enter the prison premises, Ranil has opted not to sign his name – not one single time. He does it because he thinks that such logging in could harm him one day.
In the meantime Fonseka had noticed while watching evening TV news, Ranil and Mahinda Rajapaksa having a very cordial conversation at the Kelaniya Temple and thereafter Ranil protesting against Fonseka’s incarceration. Fonseka had told a lawyer who had gone to visit him in prison, “these guys hobnob with Mahinda in the morning at the Kelaniya Temple and to balance it out thinking that this would draw the wrath of the people, pay a visit to me in the evening. They don’t even come to court, they don’t brief the international community regarding the unjust treatment meted out to me; but make bogus appearances on media.”
Last week Ranil, Ravi and Kiriella had discussions with MPs of the TNA. Issuing a press release after the talks, TNA MP M A Sumanthiran stated that the UNP had agreed to support any agreement reached between the government and the TNA. This statement by Sumanthiran has caused a crisis situation in the UNP. They question as to how the leadership took such a decision and after consultation with whom. A group in the UNP is in readiness to ask the leadership as to how they gave consent to a blank cheque-agreement, the contents of which are yet unknown.
In the meantime there is great pressure being brought upon Karu Jayasuriya, who is always talking about good governance and democracy, by the senior UNPers. The central issue of this pressure is to force him take some meaningful action against the dictatorial manner in which the changes in the UNP are being effected, totally in violation of the party constitution. Over the last few days this pressure has been increasing progressively.
Last week on a court order, Sarath Fonseka was admitted to Navaloka Hospital to receive medical treatment for a throat problem. At the hospital Fonseka was confronted with some touching moments. Almost all who realized that it was Fonseka who was admitted to hospital, flocked around Fonseka asking about his well being. Some grown men were seen falling at his feet in tears. Some Doctors were seen rushing towards Fonseka voluntarily, leaving their regular duties.
In an instant Mahinda Rajapaksa was informed of the warm reception Fonseka received at Navaloka Hospital. He was also informed that although Fonseka had been imprisoned for a long time the love of the people had not lessened at all. Government leaders are greatly concerned about Fonseka who fell ill while he was giving evidence in the white flag case. They are even more worried as to what Fonseka will tell the courts after he gets well.
In addition, the Chief Buddhist monks, after coming to know that the government was intent on pardoning 2600 prisoners to commemorate the 2600 “Sambuddhathwa Jayanthi” made another appeal to the President, asking him to release Fonseka along with these other prisoners. Although similar appeals were made earlier by all religious leaders including the Malwatte Maha Nayake Thero, the government paid scant respect to those appeals. This time too the same fate befell the appeal. Following is the text of the letter sent by Malawatte high priest.
Another incident of interest is the construction of a tennis court and a swimming pool in Siri Kotha. Sudath Chandrasekera, Ranil’s private secretary, had proposed that a tennis court and a swimming pool be constructed within party headquarters premises. Sudath’s proposal had met with Ranil’s approval. In the same manner earlier, Ranil had taken steps to build a gymnasium in the Party premises. However, due to the vehement opposition from MPs about a gymnasium in the political party premises it had to be closed down. But now Ranil seems to have agreed to give priority to the sporting aspects of the MPs by agreeing to build a swimming pool and a tennis court in Siri Kotha.
While the UNP is engaged with their own problems, the government too is neck deep in trouble after Minister Peiris signed an agreement with India. This is due to the opposition by some patriotic government stalwarts to this agreement. As such the government now finds itself between a rock and a hard place
UNP leaders too acted in a two faced manner in recent times and this was not the sole preserve of Minister Wimal Weerawansa, as stated in these columns recently. Examples of these were seen during the past couple of weeks. The first was when Ven. Galaboda Gnanissara Thero made a speech at the ceremony to celebrate the 2600 years of the enlightenment of Lord Buddha, where the President was in attendance. He recalled that he did ask Ranil to support The President and the Secretary Defense during the period the war was in progress. “At the time I requested Ranil Hamu to help the President and Secretary Defense Gotabhaya. He got angry and threatened to resign from the Dayaka Sabha. Fortunately he did not do that at that time. We are happy to notice that Ranil Hamu is supportive of the President on issues that affect the country. Not only are we happy about it but we will offer our blessings too that in future too he would continue to act in a similar manner…” The Thero’s speech was deemed to be poetic in that on two instances during the previous week his words proved to be true. Ranil met Mahinda Rajapaksa on the 14th. That was when the Church of England consecrated Rev. Canagasabey as the Archbishop of the Colombo chapter. Both were seen in earnest conversation. The next was when the duo met at another ceremony on Vesak Poya at the Kelaniya Temple. Present were UNP MP’s Karu Jayasuriya, Ravi Karunanayke, and Wijayadasa Rajapaksa amongst others. Minister Mervyn Silva was present representing the government. Though Ravi did not have an invitation to this ceremony he was present to speak with the President regarding the case he faced on his appointment as the National Organizer for the UNP. But the President did not respond.
There was another interesting episode that took place during the morning alms giving. All present were invited to partake. Though the President, Ranil and others present made their way towards the hall where the alms giving had been arranged, Minister Mervyn de Silva remained behind stating that he had already had his morning meal. However the truth was that he had told some people who were present at the function “I will not sit together and have even a sip of water with those traitors. These fellows behaved like traitors during the war. I feel sick to stay near these fellows…”
That afternoon Ranil, Ravi and Lakshman Kiriella visited Sarath Fonseka in prison. Outside the prison gates Ravi and Kiriella spoke to some media personnel they had invited and castigated the government for continuing to hold Fonseka in prison. Though some media men thrust the microphone towards Ranil, he did not say anything. This is not the first occasion in which Ranil was silent when asked about Fonseka. Ranil has been following this silent approach over the last few months and it has caused suspicion in the political circles as to whether there is a secret agreement between Mahinda Rajapaksa and Ranil on the subject of Fonseka.
In another previous incident when Mangala, Tissa and Jayalath chose to speak to the media, after coming out of prison after seeing Fonseka, Ranil was conspicuously silent. However, the strangest thing is, whereas all those who see Fonseka have to log in their names when they enter the prison premises, Ranil has opted not to sign his name – not one single time. He does it because he thinks that such logging in could harm him one day.
In the meantime Fonseka had noticed while watching evening TV news, Ranil and Mahinda Rajapaksa having a very cordial conversation at the Kelaniya Temple and thereafter Ranil protesting against Fonseka’s incarceration. Fonseka had told a lawyer who had gone to visit him in prison, “these guys hobnob with Mahinda in the morning at the Kelaniya Temple and to balance it out thinking that this would draw the wrath of the people, pay a visit to me in the evening. They don’t even come to court, they don’t brief the international community regarding the unjust treatment meted out to me; but make bogus appearances on media.”
Last week Ranil, Ravi and Kiriella had discussions with MPs of the TNA. Issuing a press release after the talks, TNA MP M A Sumanthiran stated that the UNP had agreed to support any agreement reached between the government and the TNA. This statement by Sumanthiran has caused a crisis situation in the UNP. They question as to how the leadership took such a decision and after consultation with whom. A group in the UNP is in readiness to ask the leadership as to how they gave consent to a blank cheque-agreement, the contents of which are yet unknown.
In the meantime there is great pressure being brought upon Karu Jayasuriya, who is always talking about good governance and democracy, by the senior UNPers. The central issue of this pressure is to force him take some meaningful action against the dictatorial manner in which the changes in the UNP are being effected, totally in violation of the party constitution. Over the last few days this pressure has been increasing progressively.
Last week on a court order, Sarath Fonseka was admitted to Navaloka Hospital to receive medical treatment for a throat problem. At the hospital Fonseka was confronted with some touching moments. Almost all who realized that it was Fonseka who was admitted to hospital, flocked around Fonseka asking about his well being. Some grown men were seen falling at his feet in tears. Some Doctors were seen rushing towards Fonseka voluntarily, leaving their regular duties.
In an instant Mahinda Rajapaksa was informed of the warm reception Fonseka received at Navaloka Hospital. He was also informed that although Fonseka had been imprisoned for a long time the love of the people had not lessened at all. Government leaders are greatly concerned about Fonseka who fell ill while he was giving evidence in the white flag case. They are even more worried as to what Fonseka will tell the courts after he gets well.
In addition, the Chief Buddhist monks, after coming to know that the government was intent on pardoning 2600 prisoners to commemorate the 2600 “Sambuddhathwa Jayanthi” made another appeal to the President, asking him to release Fonseka along with these other prisoners. Although similar appeals were made earlier by all religious leaders including the Malwatte Maha Nayake Thero, the government paid scant respect to those appeals. This time too the same fate befell the appeal. Following is the text of the letter sent by Malawatte high priest.
Another incident of interest is the construction of a tennis court and a swimming pool in Siri Kotha. Sudath Chandrasekera, Ranil’s private secretary, had proposed that a tennis court and a swimming pool be constructed within party headquarters premises. Sudath’s proposal had met with Ranil’s approval. In the same manner earlier, Ranil had taken steps to build a gymnasium in the Party premises. However, due to the vehement opposition from MPs about a gymnasium in the political party premises it had to be closed down. But now Ranil seems to have agreed to give priority to the sporting aspects of the MPs by agreeing to build a swimming pool and a tennis court in Siri Kotha.
While the UNP is engaged with their own problems, the government too is neck deep in trouble after Minister Peiris signed an agreement with India. This is due to the opposition by some patriotic government stalwarts to this agreement. As such the government now finds itself between a rock and a hard place
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